Friends of Ulster - USA Scotch Irish / Ulster Scots

The site aims to explain the term Scotch-Irish and explain some of the reasons behing the "troubles" in Northern Ireland. With the advent of the Good Friday Peace Agreement the paramilitaries on both sides on ceasefire a new peaceful and prosperous Northern Ireland is emerging from decades of religious and nationalistic strife. The people are moving forward towards a more tolerant society just like the UK anbd Republic of Ireland already are. May it long continue. In the light of such all things on this site should be viewed in their historical context. Please click on `Articles` for more Scotch-Irish history and culture.

In particular, this site is dedicated to the historical and cultural links between Ulster / Ireland, the UK and the USA & Canada. Particularly the Ulster-Scots / Scots who settled heavily in the Appalachian region (The Southern / Confederate States) of the USA.

As the months go by Sinn Fein and the IRA is slowly being exposed as unsincere, untrustworthy, unsavoury and unscrupulous. In the aftermath of September 11th the Irish Republican movement continues to gather arms and explosives through the growing web of international terrorist organisations and terrorist sponsoring states. The IRA actively co-operates and trains with the Palestinian Liberation Army, ETA the Basque seperatists in Spain and Farc the drug barons / marxist / communist terrorists in Columbia. They actively seek guns and explosives from former Russian and Balkan states, as well as Middle Eastern terrorist sponsoring states like Libya, Iraq and Afghanistan. Not to mention terrorist training camps in the Middle East and Columbia.

Look at the articles and pictures on this site and you will see nothing but facts. Read the Irish Republican marxist Anti-Western, Anti-American, Anti-British propaganda. You wont believe what you read but I assure you it is in the common domain. The marxist articles were posted to the Irish American email list on yahoo groups on 11th September 2002. Whilst we were remembering the dead they were posting Anti-American propaganda.

Demonstrators outside a Colombian courthouse protesting against three IRA men accused of training marxist rebel FARC narco-terrorists in explosives and bomb making techniques and testing new IRA weapons.

There are those who make excuses for atrocities like Claudy or Enniskillen or La Mon - where an IRA fireball burned seven women and five men to death at the dinner-dance of the Irish Collie Club - by saying that mistakes happen in war. (They are usually the same people who make no allowances whatever for mistakes made by soldiers or policemen.)

But even Martin McGuinness can't justify what happened to Patsy Gillespie, a Catholic canteen worker who was chosen in 1990 to be the Provos' first human bomb? Yes, folks, our very own Provos got there ahead of Osama bin Laden. The only difference was that Osama's pilots were volunteers. Poor Patsy was forced to drive a van bomb to a checkpoint because the Provos had kidnapped his family; he died along with five soldiers.

Patsy didn't trouble the Provos' consciences. These so-called defenders are oppressors, and oppressors believe you can't keep people down without violence, intimidation, propaganda, lies and the preaching of hate. The republican leaders who killed and maimed their own people along with the so-called enemy these days preside over beatings and shootings and the suppression of free speech in the sad little ghettos they control. And, of course, over the criminal empire that subsidises Sinn Fein.

Provo Record of Murder
Anti-USA Irish articles - US Space Shuttle and more
Irish Republican Anti American Propoganda - Shuttle Disaster / Sept 11.
Another Anti-American Irish Republican Article concerning Sep. 11th terrorist attack
Sinn Fein funded by Crime
Irish Bigotry
Republican attacks on Catholic Police Officers
A secret history of the IRA
Sinn Fein / IRA and Colombian Farc terrorists
Sinn Fein / IRA and Basque Seperatists Terror group ETA in Spain
Sinn Fein an Enemy of the US
Sinn Fein / IRA Osama`s Soul Brother
Sinn Fein`s Terrorist Calendar On Sale
Sinn Fein / IRA Bank Robbers, Drug Dealers, Murderers and Gangsters
Sinn Fein and Spanish ETA
Sinn Fein IRA and Palestinian PLO
Sinn Fein IRA and Turkish PKK
IRA Gunrunners in USA
Sinn Fein IRA and Libya`s Gadiffi - Drugs, Guns and Semtex
Sinn Fein IRA and Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and other Balkan States
IRA Spy Ring Passes US Intelligence to Al Qaeda and Iraq

Sinn Fein`s Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness political representatives of the Irish Republican Army terrorist group. Both are elected Members of Parliament in the UK government and elected members of the Northern Ireland Assembly. Martin McGuinness is Education Mininster in the Northern Ireland Assembly. A convicted terrorist and murderer, self-confessed second in command of the IRA in Derry / Londonderry on "Bloody Sunday" in 1972 and currently on the IRA`s ruling Army council along with other high profile Sinn Fein members. Martin Meehan the current Sinn Fein Lord Mayor of Belfast is a convicted criminal AND terrorist. Would you WANT these sort of people governing YOU? Read all about them by clicking the links below.

Donegal Protestants
The experience of Unionists in County Donegal during the period 1919-22

"IRELAND IS NOT A NATION, BUT TWO PEOPLES
SEPARATED BY A DEEPER GULF THAN THAT
DIVIDING IRELAND FROM GREAT BRITAIN"

Walter Alison Phillips

Introduction

Unionism in County Donegal has a long and proud tradition and heritage, which dates back to the very foundations of the Unionist cause on this island. Yet it was during the period 1919-22 that the Unionist people of
County Donegal were put to their utmost test. Ultimately, it is arguable that they lost - Ulster was partitioned and the pro-union community decimated. But in the final analysis it cannot be denied that Unionism in
the county survived the period, and continued in one form or another up until the present day.

In this essay I hope to begin by giving a brief account of the events which led to the split with the UUC in early 1920, and the ramifications which this had on the political consciousness of loyalists in Donegal. I then
propose to examine the decline in Protestantism, as well as the geographical concentrations of Unionists in the county, with special reference to the report of the Irish Boundary Commission in 1925. I will then attempt to
trace the polarisation of the communities in the county, before moving on to accounts of sectarian violence during the "war of independence" period. In particular I hope to examine the unionist response to such violence, as well as the response to the attempted imposition of Dublin institutions on the county, and the effects both had on the most popular unionist institution, the Orange Order. As an example of intercommunity conflict in the county I hope to examine in detail the tale of the border village of Pettigo from 1921-22. This is the fascinating story of one community's fight for survival during the War of Independence period.

"Ulster shall fight, and Ulster shall be right"

Donegal was to the fore in the original campaign of resistance to the proposed imposition of Home Rule upon the people of Ulster. Stewart recalls that "from Belfast to the shores of Donegal, recruiting was going on at a
rate which exceeded the most sanguine expectations". A British intelligence report comments that "there is a very bitter feeling against Home Rule amongst the great majority of the Protestants in this county".

The loyalist people of Donegal even organised a plan to ship in their own arms - from the beginning of 1913 Lord Leitrim of Carrigart, the OC of Donegal UVF, organised a scheme whereby arms would be purchased in
Birmingham before being shipped to Donegal in his steamer the SS Ganiamore. By 1914 it was estimated that there were 128 rifles and 12,800 rounds of ammunition in the hands of the UVF in the county. Indeed Donegal's UVF grew to be bigger than that of either Monaghan's or Cavan's, with 10 Unionist clubs holding regular drilling exercises. The Ulster Women's Union met in Lifford to organise housing for the wounded out of any campaign of
resistance. On the declaration of war in 1914, Donegal's UVF was amalgamated into the 36th (Ulster) Division as the 109th brigade, sharing this honour with UVF regiments from Tyrone, Londonderry and Fermanagh - indicative of the close links Donegal had always enjoyed with her three neighbouring Ulster counties.

In the light of these links, it is hardly surprising that the underlying theme of Donegal Unionism from 1919/22 is one of betrayal. The major political question at the time was that of Partition. Owing largely to the success of Unionism and the UVF in gaining publicity for Ulster's cause, it was generally accepted that Partition was inevitable. The crucial question became that of the boundary - options ranged from a 4 county to a 9 county
Northern Ireland state. It was eventually settled that Londonderry, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Antrim, Down and Armagh would constitute the new Northern Ireland. This, of course, meant the abandonment of the loyalist communities in Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan.

"Men not prone to emotion shed tears"

Thus it was that a crucial political drama was acted out within the Ulster Unionist Council during the months of April and May of 1920; a drama which split the Unionist cause in two, and which resulted in the breaking of
Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant of 1912. Recognising that they were about to be "sold down the river" the combined Ulster Unionist Council for the Three Counties organised themselves to face their brethren. They
prepared a pamphlet opining that "the facts about the Three Counties were as clear as when the Covenant was first signed, and they have not altered"

This pamphlet went on to point out that, even within a 9 county Ulster Protestants would have a solid majority of 200,064 and concluded optimistically that they were "thankful to see such a large number of the delegates from the Six Counties respect the Covenant they had signed, and are confident that they represent a large majority of the Unionists of Ulster". Unfortunately for the Donegal Unionists, their arguments held little sway with a 6 county community concerned that "Protestants in the three counties are willing to swamp 820,370 Protestants merely for the satisfaction of knowing they are all going down to disaster in the same boat"

Thus, despite two meetings, and the resignations of many six-county members, such as Brig-Gen Ricardo of Sion Mills, in sympathy with the 3 county unionists, the Combined UCC of Cavan, Monaghan and Donegal was forced effectively to resign from the UCC after being decisively outvoted by 301 votes to 80. This prompted the response from the popular Cavan leader Lord Farnham that "our members look upon themselves as betrayed and deserted", leading the later unionist commentator, MacManaway to comment that "the Ulster people gave a bitter consent" to Partition. Even following the Great Betrayal 6 county unionists continued however to support at a grassroots level their 3 county brethren. The Rector of Newtownbutler, speaking at the Fermanagh County Twelfth celebrations in 1920 asserted that "there was an element of cowardice and want of backbone in the action of the UUC in sacrificing the loyal men of Cavan, Monaghan and Donegal for which there was no argument whatsoever except the numerical argument"

"Cast aside without one single sign of recollection or recognition"

Needless to say this whole episode gave rise to very grave feelings of betrayal amongst the loyalist community in Donegal. John M. Barkley, a Presbyterian minister recalls visiting a friend's house: "There on the mantelpiece in the study was a framed copy of the Ulster Covenant. It had been torn in two and written across it were the words "The Broken Covenant". It had been written in the minister's own blood, the betrayal was never forgotten and I saw with my own eyes the anguish of one of those who had been betrayed"

This feeling of betrayal resonated throughout the community, and in one form or another exists to the present day. Relations between Unionists in Donegal and Londonderry were somewhat soured, although unionists in the latter county were horrified by the persecution of their Donegal brethren in early 1922, with many angry Londonderry Sentinel editorials and news reports demanding action. That said, Donegal Unionists still continued to look, albeit with a tinge of bitterness, to Belfast rather than Dublin - a fact which manifested itself perhaps most openly in the banner depicting Sir Edward Carson which was carried by Newtowncunningham LOL to the Donegal CL celebrations on July 12th 1921.

"They have stood by the Empire - will the Empire desert them now?"

Thus it was that the Unionist community in Donegal was left to face the war of independence without the direct help of the apparatus of the soon-to-be established Northern Ireland state. There can be little doubt that the
Protestant community suffered numerically as a result of the conflict as can be seen from the following table:

Change in Towns 1911-26 Change in Rural Areas 1911-26

Protestants -34.6% -21.4%
Roman Catholics +7.4% -6.8%
Total Population -2.8% -9.9%

Across the rest of what was to become Southern Ireland Protestant figures were decimated, largely due to the war of independence. Barkley claims that, by 1922, Presbyterian congregations were reduced by:

Athlone 30%
Connaught 36%
Cork 45%
Dublin 16%
Munster 44%

In general, of the Protestant congregations, Presbyterians suffered badly. In 1913 their Assembly voted democratically against Home Rule, by 921 votes to 43, and therefore, in nationalist eyes, they were seen quite definitely as being in the "enemy camp". Class envy was also a factor, although in Donegal there was no major class difference between Protestant and Catholic farmers, with the exception of the Protestant gentry.

Geographically, Donegal Unionists were concentrated towards the east of the county. A 1913 British Intelligence report drew an "imaginary line" between Dunkineely in the South West to Moville in the North East - east of this
line was where Unionists were strongest, although they did have other strongholds; most notably around Hom Head, Carrigart and Kilmacrennan.

Thus we can see that the Unionist community was largely split in two - between East and South Donegal. However there were differences between the two communities; Joan Vincent identifies the Eastern community as having the three characteristic indices of Scottish settlement: Scottish surnames, Presbyterianism and the Ulster-Scots dialect. Indeed she identifies the area immediately west of Londonderry, "the Laggan", as being a "core" Ulster-Scots area. In contrast the South Donegal Protestants didn't have these characteristics.

The strength of Unionism in certain areas of Donegal can best be seen in the recommendations of the Boundary Commission in 1925, which urged the transfer of the "Laggan" area west of Londonderry (an area exclusive of the unionist enclave of Raphoe) to Northern Ireland. The Donegal Protestant Registration Association claimed that "the Unionist inhabitants of [Donegal] desired that it should be included in Northern Ireland, and that the economic difficulties occasioned by the boundary would thereby be removed"

The DPRA had a point, as the following table shows:

Areas of County Within 5 miles of Londonderry Within 10 miles of
Londonderry
Catholic 754 5427
Non-Catholic 1160 5180

The Boundary commission also recommended the inclusion of the tiny Unionist enclaves of West Urney, Grousehall and large portions of Pettigo and Templecairn. However other Unionist areas around Ballyshannon and Letterkenny were left in the Free State. The report of the Boundary Commission is useful in examining the geographical placement of Donegal Unionists during the war of independence, even though it's findings were
never implemented.

"this county cannot now be regarded as adequately policed"

Throughout the period 1919-21 the underlying theme with regard to County Donegal is one of decline. Slowly but surely the RIC, although backed by the military, failed to contain the growing wave of SFIRA terrorism. By October of 1920 the police were forced to withdraw from the nationalist stronghold of West Donegal, prompting the gloomy comment in the monthly police report that "the county cannot now be regarded as adequately policed or protected and is in a distinctly unsatisfactory state"

Towards the East of the county things were in a slightly better situation, due both to the high level of support amongst the community for the police, and also to the increasingly stable situation in the county and city of
Londonderry, where, by the end of 1920 the police commented "the UVF is now thoroughly organised for the protection of life and property and willing to assist the police in case of necessity"

Despite the fact that, at this time, the revived Donegal UVF still maintained a strength of 1993 volunteers, there are no records of similar UVF assistance for the police, although known UVF sympathisers were likely to get off lightly for possession of rifles or ammunition.

The polarisation of the two communities can be traced perhaps most accurately through the pages of the local nationalist newspaper, the Donegal Democrat. By early 1920 the nationalist community found any outward display of Britishness or British culture to be distasteful. Referring to popular British dances the Democrat asserted that "Our criticism went a considerable distance in banishing from the town and neighbourhood those demoralising dances more adapted for the slums of [the] English"

Even harmless Ultonian institutions came in for attack; by March 1920 an editorial condemned the Ulster Farmers Union, and by August Irish Farmers Union advertisements replaced those of the UFU in the Democrat. "Foreign" games were also looked on with distrust and the paper was scathing in it's criticism of the Gaelic-Irish speaking village of Townawilly for playing "soccer football".

From such harmless expressions of sectarianism more sinister actions developed. By November of 1920 the monthly internal police summary reported that "The outrages consisted chiefly of intimidation by threatening letters, raids on mails, raids for arms, cutting telegraph wires and raids for the purposes of theft"

Roads were blocked, railways destroyed. The post was regularly suspended. ll this led to the Londonderry Sentinel expressing the hope that the wave of terror instigated by the IRA would "revive amongst the thinking section of the Donegal people consideration of the question whether the county has lost or gained by having thrown itself head and heels into the arms of Sinn Fein"

In June of 1921 the Democrat records an IRA raid on a farmer William Thompson and is wife in the predominantly Unionist area of Raphoe. In May of that year the Presbyterian Lecture Hall at Quigley's Point was burned down,
whilst on April 25th a pamphlet produced by pro-union activists on the mainland recorded that "Meenglas Protestant Church, County Donegal, desecrated by Sinn Feiners. Communion Table used for meals. Wine drunk. Prayer books, Bibles and surplices torn up and font defiled"

On the same day the house of the postmaster in the same village was attacked, all his money stolen and his life threatened. On the 15th of September Unionists in Raphoe were warned to withdraw their custom from the
Ulster Bank in the town.

Donegal Unionists were therefore despised for their culture, attacked for their religion and deprived of their democratic rights. Despite these attacks however, the community proved resilient; the Orange Order in
particular continued to host well attended loyal events, particularly the Twelfth celebrations each year.

"but few of our brave men were lost, so stoutly we defended"

There is some evidence that the Unionist community participated in these incidents of sectarianism. A police report for October 1920 records that an AOH hall was burnt down in the village of Pettigo. Shots were also fired at two local Sinn Fein / IRA activists by unionists rumoured to be playing a "drunken prank". In October of 1920 letters were posted up right across Donegal urging people to inform on IRA terrorists. These letters provided
detailed instructions on how to inform anonymously, and were roundly condemned by the nationalist Democrat as evidence of grassroots unionist activity in the county.

Particularly in the east of the county the RIC were able to continue with near normal governance, with the Democrat recording numerous occasions on which petty sessions were held, although this was usually with heavy military backing. For instance, on July 12th 1920 the Irish Times records that "For the opening of the Donegal Assizes the military have erected sandbags and machine guns at Lifford courthouse"

Perhaps nowhere however can the grassroots sectarian conflict be seen better than in the saga of the little unionist border village of Pettigo, half of which lay in County Donegal, and half in County Fermanagh. This situation was remarked upon by a correspondent of the Irish Independent who opined humourously that the situation would provide a good basis for an Irish comedy. Unfortunately a far more serious drama was to be played out in the village during the period from 1921 to 1922.

Neville McElderry, a local historian, recalls that "The Pettigo area of County Donegal had been predominantly Protestant and Unionist, but as tension mounted and a considerable amount of harassment occurred on both
sides, many Protestants moved into Fermanagh"

In the face of growing IRA activity over the rest of County Donegal, the loyalists of the village soon asked the British government for help. Firstly B-Specials were sent, and then A-Specials to protect the Fermanagh half of
the village. The IRA responded and "caused much consternation by setting up a barracks in Mill Street" They also forced loyalists to paint out a mural upon which were inscribed the words "Fear God, Honour the King", whilst other IRA men "looted extensively".

By May of 1922 such persecution provoked the Londonderry Sentinel to devote an entire editorial to the situation. Asserting that "the whole district has been put in a reign of terror" the paper pointed out that the persecution of
Donegal unionists had increased to the point where many were being forced to seek refuge across the border in Londonderry.

By June 3rd of 1922 the Sentinel was reporting that "a considerable number of refugees have arrived at Castlederg". Also on this day however British forces moved down a nearby lake and landed in the IRA occupied
Belleek-Pettigo triangle, followed by another column which advanced on Pettigo from the east. The troops proceeded, despite heavy IRA fire, to liberate the village, capturing terrorist weapons and men, as well as a
stolen police car. By June 8th the Sentinel trumpeted in a headline "Pettigo Loyalists Rejoicing!" as the townspeople welcomed their liberators. The owner of the house where the mural was obliterated paraded around the town wrapped in the Union flag, whilst children played at wearing stolen IRA caps - "binding them round with red, white and blue ribbons"

After two years of relative subjection, and several months of downright oppression, the unionist community in the area eagerly grasped the excuse for celebration. As the Sentinel reports "Over every farmhouse a Union Jack
was stretched in the breeze"

The contemporary historian Walter Alison Phillips concluded that "the affair had a wholesome effect, if only as showing that the British Government was not indefinitely malleable"

The Pettigo incident did indeed have a wider significance, as it discouraged other border IRA units to make similar forays into what was now Northern Ireland territory.

"the partition of Ireland is an accomplished fact"

However, perhaps the most interesting aspect of the experience of Donegal nionism is the often stormy relationship which existed between the emerging illegal government of Dail Eireann and the minority community, which tended of course to favour the existing British institutions.

Perhaps the most interesting episode of this relationship was that of the rates crisis. Upon falling into Sinn Fein hands, Donegal County Council broke off official links with the Local Government Board, and instead
pledged allegiance to Dail Eireann. Because of this, many people, and particularly unionists, grew reluctant to pay their rates. A Democrat ditorial summed the problem up "with the consent of the people, the County
Council pledged allegiance to Dail Eireann. The loss of grants [£105,200] was the result"

A typical example, both of the reluctance of unionists to pay the new (increased) rate and of the political and military wings of republicanism working together, can be found in the case of a Unionist by the name of
Wilkinson. In late 1921 Wilkinson received a request to pay the "Tirchonaill County Council" the sum total of £5 17/4. Wilkinson refused to pay, and the result was a more sinister follow-up note from the O.C. of the "South
Tyrconnill Brigade IRA" warning that "any person found disobeying these orders will be severely dealt with"

By August 16th the problem had reached crisis point and the County Council met to discuss the general rates situation. Much angst was targeted at prominent unionists "some of the railway companies and Lord Leitrim and a few others had garnished their rates against malicious claims"

A Unionist councillor, by the name of Clarke, defended himself against the charge; pointing out that he had called publicly for the payment of rates. However he went on to criticise Sinn Fein over the high level of rates. A
particular point of contention was the fact that this high level of rates was partly the result of a SF refusal to take a printing tender from County Londonderry - opting instead for one from a nationalist area. Clarke also
expressed doubt as to whether the SF rate collector was "properly appointed" and refused to pay his own rates until such time as this doubt was assuaged. He opined that this course of action would have the approval of the Local Government Board, which drew the weary retort that "they had bade adieu to that body long ago"

The imposition of the Belfast boycott on the county was also resisted by many unionists - one must always bear in mind of course the close economic links the county enjoyed with the rest of Ulster. On November 11th 1920 the police recorded a threat sent to Patrick Duffy, a draper in Clonmany, warning him against purchasing goods from Belfast firms. During September of 1921 a "black list" was published of merchants with the temerity to continue trading in "prohibited British goods".

The imposition of Sinn Fein courts was also a difficult episode, with both the Donegal Democrat and the Londonderry Sentinel routinely reporting proceedings from both Sinn Fein and official courts in the same issue. The RIC and military were often forced to heavily protect their own courtrooms, and there are numerous cases of RIC raids on Sinn Fein courts. There are also cases of sectarian harassment; in November of 1921 John Elkin, a
Unionist from Moville needed police protection after refusing to stop working with the official courts. Many prominent Unionists were prominent in working with the official courts, with many serving as Justices of the
Peace - Major Myles is a prime example.

However, it is probably fair to say that, whilst sectarian incidents grew in frequency throughout the period, complete polarisation of the communities did not occur, at least until the Civil War period when unionists were
openly persecuted. A willingness to give credit where due can be seen in the comment by the Democrat in late 1921 that a military inquiry into the death of one of its staff was "most impartial". The Democrat also strenuously
condemned "cowardly and blackguardly" attacks on Protestant families in Tanawilly.

"the protestant boys are loyal and true, though fashions are changed and the
loyal are few"

Throughout this difficult period, the Orange Order held a particularly crucial position. By 1919 the Orange had laid deep roots within the Protestant population of East and South Donegal and there was much truth in the 1919 claim that "the Institution has more active adherents than ever". Many 6 county Orangemen had supported their Donegal brethren in the UCC split in early 1920, with the result that cross-border Orange relations were never tinged with the same sense of betrayal under which cross-border Unionist co-operation laboured. In 1921 Major Moore, who was then County Grand Master of the Donegal County Lodge, chaired the main Twelfth
celebrations in Londonderry.

He recalled "glancing at the Orange lilies blooming at the door" when leaving for the parade, and concluded by congratulating "the Loyalists of Ulster for the magnificent result of the Northern elections".

Across the border in Raphoe similar celebrations were held at Carrigane by the brethren of the Raphoe district lodge with what the Sentinel describes as "great enthusiasm and success". Union flags and Orange lilies were
everywhere to be seen, and the individual lodge banners depicted stirring scenes from recent Ulster history; such as the charge of the 36th (Ulster) Division at the Somme. The Chair of these celebrations would have been
speaking for many Donegal Orangeman in expressing his disappointment at Donegal's exclusion from Northern Ireland as "he knew there were no more staunch and loyal Orangemen than those in that district of [East] Donegal"

The meeting concluded with motions passed declaring loyalty to the King and with the singing of the National Anthem. All in all, I believe it is possible to claim that the spirit of Orangeism in County Donegal survived
the 1919-22 period remarkably well, especially given the decline in the Protestant population.

"our orange banners floating outshine the rebels all"

Thus we can see that, despite the grave feelings of betrayal following the split with their fellow Unionists in Northern Ireland, Donegal Unionism, whilst suffering physically and numerically, largely managed to keep up it's
sense of self-identity through the "war of independence" period. It is undeniably true that IRA actions in Donegal, especially in 1922, contributed greatly to the startling decline in Protestantism in the County. However,
because Unionists tended to be geographically concentrated in the East of the County, near the largely unionist agricultural hinterland in county Londonderry, they held together better than most.

Community relations did suffer during the war of independence, but not on a scale comparable with Northern Ireland. Open sectarian clashes were rare, with both communities seeming to prefer largely to retreat within their own culture, only emerging on occasion to snipe at "the other lot". Tensions did exist, and were undeniable; with the incidents at Pettigo being a prime example of this.

Unionists did resist the republican take-over as best they could. However, at the end of the day, they were too few in number, and too weak organisationally to win through. They did succeed however in largely holding
onto the areas in which they were strongest; as is evidenced by the fact that the 1925 Boundary Commission recommended the transfer of hardcore unionist areas in the far East and South of the county to Northern Ireland.

"then work and don't surrender but come when duty calls"

Perhaps the greatest tribute however, to the efforts of Unionists in Donegal in the period 1919-22, can be seen in the fact that to this very day there exists a thriving, largely unionist, Protestant community in the County.
Each summer the Orange Order in the county continues to march 15,000 strong with Union flags flying "as in days of yore". At a political level, the aspirations of the community are reflected through the activities of the
Donegal Progressive Party, which draws its support largely from the Protestant section of the community. During the 1987 general election the Unionist candidate, an independent from Belfast, outpolled the Labour Party.

During the war of independence two distinct, relatively ethnically homogenous, nations clashed against each other. It was in Ulster that the clash was most keenly felt, and Donegal was potentially a key flashpoint;
representing as it did the farthest outposts of Unionist strength in the west of the Province. Ultimately, Donegal Unionists succeeded in holding the fort during this period, and therefore suffered proportionately less than
the far more scattered loyalist communities throughout the South and West. Therefore, in conclusion, Donegal Unionists ensured that their identity was protected, retained and indeed cherished to this day.

A PROTESTANT church targeted in an arson attack has received a cash donation
towards a costly repair bill from Roman Catholic neighbours who were
‘‘shocked and saddened’’ by its destruction.

Whitehouse Presbyterian Church in north Belfast was left a burnt-out shell
after fire swept through it in the early hours of August 2.

But, in a practical show of support, parish priests from five Roman Catholic
churches yesterday handed over a cheque for £9,204 to Whitehouse minister
the Rev Liz Hughes.

To date, an estimated £26,000 of the hundreds of thousands required to
restore the church has been raised.

Ms Hughes yesterday stood with her fellow clergy, amid the ruins of the
beloved church to receive the donation.

“We really appreciate the gesture of love from our five neighbouring Roman
Catholic churches,’’ she said.

“We’ve always had good relationships which have developed over the past five
years, especially when we endeavoured to meet as often as possible for joint
worship and social occasions. In some ways we have become friends.

“The churches are standing together because we are outside all of this kind
of sectarianism and we stand for a different way of life, following the love
of Jesus Christ.’’

Describing the church before the fire, she said: ‘‘It was beautiful. The
stained glass windows were beautiful and we had only just laid new carpet
which the congregation had worked so hard to raise money for and which took
ten days to lay.”

The minister, who has been with the church for nearly two years, said the
congregation were preparing to celebrate 135 years since its construction.

Since the fire, Sunday services have been held in the adjacent church halls
and it is there that the anniversary celebrations will be held.

“We have had five pact services since, which is an indication that a church
is more than its building,’’ she said.

The Rev Dan Whyte, from St Mary’s on the Hill in Glengormley, explained why
the Catholic churches decided to collect the donations.

“It seemed the right thing to do. When friends and neighbours suffer, it’s
appropriate that friends should come to their assistance. It’s something
that’s instinctive,” he said.

“Most of us in one way or the other have suffered similar losses so we are
in a position to be able to say we understand your pain and we feel your
loss.

“It’s only natural for us to want to share with the people of Whitehouse, to
show our concern and our solidarity within and whatever support we can give
in restoring their place of worship.’’

The Rev Peter O’Hare, from St Mary’s, Greencastle, which suffered a similar
arson attack a number of years ago, said it was ‘‘the most natural thing for
our congregation to do’’.

“Even before we announced it there were children in the Bawnmore estate,
close by, who had begun a collection, which was presented to the church,’’
he said.

The three other parish priests whose congregations were involved in the
donation were the Rev David Delargy from Star of the Sea, Whitehouse, the
Rev Gerry Cassidy, of St Gerard’s, Antrim Road and the Rev Sam Kerr, from St
James’s, Whiteabbey.

It will take an estimated two years to rebuild the church but the
congregation is hoping the walls can be retained.

A 50-year-old silver bowl, which held the flowers each Sunday, survived the
flames, as did most of the communion table.

Orange Donation is Largest Ever
Dec 12 2003
Ulster Newsletter

THE Orange Order last night handed over £121,888 to Cancer Research Northern Ireland - the largest donation ever received by the charity from a single organisation.

The money was raised by Orange Lodges throughout the Province and the Irish border counties in response to the Grand Master Robert Saulters' year-long charity appeal.

Collections were made during the traditional Twelfth of July festivities and during other events.

Dr Trevor Hince, Cancer Research's executive director for research management and planning, last night received the cheque from Mr Saulters at the Orange Orders headquarters in east Belfast.

30 Nov 2003
Sunday Life / Belfast Telegraph
http://www.sundaylife.co.uk

THE future's bright for an Ulster cancer charity — thanks to the Orange Order!

For members of the Grand Orange Lodge Of Ireland have raised a record-breaking sum, for Cancer Research Northern Ireland.

The exact amount will be revealed during a special reception, at the Order's Belfast HQ, next month.

But Cancer Research NI spokeswoman, Jean Walsh, exclusively revealed to Sunday Life that its work will be boosted by at least £100,000.

She said: "We won't know the exact amount until the night itself, on December 11. But we do know that it is going to be over £100,000, which is an amazing figure.

"We are very grateful to the Orange Order, for the amount of effort that they have put into raising it.

"What I can tell you, is that the money will benefit people from all sections of the community here."

Orange Order Grand Master, Robert Saulters, said that members had made a "magnificent effort".

The Northern Ireland Chest Heart and Stroke Association made a stunning start yesterday to it`s 2003 Have a Heart appeal with acceptance of a £60,000 cheque from the Royal Black Institution. The donation from preceptories in Northern Ireland and the Republic is the largest one-off amount the association has received apart from legacies.

The charity launched its YOUNG@HEART campaign to save children from heart disease, setting a target of £100,000 for the year. Chief executive Andrew Dougal thanked the members of the institution. The Blackmen`s cheque was handed over by William Logan, Sovereign Grand Master of the Royal Black Institution (Imperial Grand Black chapter of the British Commonwealth), at Belfast City Hall in the presence of the High Sheriff Councillor Margaret Clarke.

Mr Logan said: "Our objective in raising this money was to benefit the entire community. We are delighted to play a part in this worthy campaign to protect the young people from the ravages of heart disease, which has claimed so many lives in Northern Ireland."

More than 60,000 people died from heart disiease in northern Ireland between 1998 and 2000

The Order raises tens of thousands of pounds each year through its
collections at church parades and similar functions to assist those in need.

The Lord Enniskillen Memorial Orange Orphan Society has a magnificent record
for helping boys and girls who have been deprived of the love and the
contribution of a parent, through death by natural causes or as a result of
continuing violence in Northern Ireland.

It is the best known Orange charity, but there are others such as the
Belfast Orange Widow's Fund, which is organised by the Belfast County Grand
Lodge.

The Orange Order also gives a special helping hand to families of members
through its funeral fund and, through the work of the growing numbers of
Orange Credit Unions, there is a real incentive for families to plan to
improve their homes and amenities.

The tradition of an Orange helping hand goes back for generations. A perusal
of the papers for the troubled period 1920-22 shows special efforts by the
Orange Order to help distressed Protestants, including many from Eire, who
had lost their homes because of the terrible strife in the country at that
time.

Again, during the Ulster troubles of the past 30 years, when many families,
especially in Belfast, were dispossessed and had to move, the Order was
prominent in alleviating hardship.

All this is well documented and is recognised by many members of the general
public.

Not so well publicised are the many efforts by Orangemen and their Lodges in
helping the local community and not in any narrow parochial sense.

When brethren in Togo, which has a strong Orange movement, were looking help
in purchasing a vehicle to carry out social and medical work in the interior
of that country, Lodges throughout Ireland gave generously and succeeded in
purchasing a custom built vehicle.

Take another individual case. Bro. Brian Mitchell, from Belfast has done
magnificent work in recent years in raising funds to provide holiday breaks
for under-privileged children.

District Lodges also do fine work in helping worthy causes and an example of
this was provided in Markethill when a sponsored walk was organised to
provide money for one of the units at Craigavon Area Hospital.

The brethren of both parts of Ireland have provided money to help specially
deserving charities south of the border, including a children's home at
Greystones, and for the Adelaide Hospital, the only general hospital with a
Protestant ethos in Eire. One could go on and on, and it is sufficient to
stress that this sort of thing is happening throughout Northern Ireland and
Eire on a daily basis.

On the 12th July 2002 at Dollingstown Lurgan Derrykeevan
Lodge was accompanied by a group of visiting Zulu warriors and dancers.

They were invited up onto the speech platform and gave a spirited displayu of
Zulu dancing and war drums. They were then challanged to play the mighty Lambeg drums.

These were the drums King William III rallied his troops at the Boyne. There the height of a man
and twice as loud! Our Lambeggars then tried out the Zulu drums and they had an impromptu competition
to see who could rattle out the best tunes.

The gathered brethren and onlookers were enthralled at seeing a fully kitted out Zulu Warrior playing the Lambeg
whilst our boys got to grips with his Zulu drum and cheered them both on

The Zulu Chief then thanked the brethren of Derrykeevan for their hospitality and kindness and explained that the
Zulu people also had a tradition of parading just like the Ulster Orangemen.
The following day they joined the Royal Black Institution at Scarva for the annual Sham fight celebration,
a re-enactment of the Battle of the Boyne 1690. The Royal Black Institution is the higher order of the Orange.

A prominent Orangeman, a senior GAA player and Portugese and Chinese
members of the community are among voices that will be contributing to
debate at Loughry in the coming weeks.

The debate is an initiative of Cookstown and District Clergy Forum. The
Forum is holding their third set of Lenten evenings for the people of
the district, beginning tomorrow, Thursday,, March 6, 2003. This year
the theme is "Exploring Culture". The evenings will be held in Shannon
Hall, Loughry College, beginning at 8pm. Tomorrow (thursday) evening,
Different Drums, will explore the role of drums in society, from the
Bodhran to the Lambeg.

"A music group called "Different Drums" will lead a highly entertaining
musical evening that will enhance people`s understanding of a variety of
drums and their cultural impact," said Reverend Andrew McNally, Clergy
Forum secretary.

"The second evening - Clashing symbols - on Thursday March 20, will
explore the profound role that symbols play in our culture."

"A prominent member of the Orange Lodge and well-known Tyrone GAA
football star will introduce us to a variety of Orange and GAA symbols,
familiar and unfamiliar.

"the third evening - Shattering Glass Walls - on Thurday April 3,
focusues on the people who make up some of the various cultures in our
society. There are people we see daily but rarely have an opportunity
to speak to.

"It is as if an invisible glass barrier obbstructs us from meeting,
getting to know and appreciating others who are outside our social
circe. A member of Mediation NI will give us a sledge to break the
glass that will enable us to listen to some of the local Catholic,
Protestant, Portugese and Chinese voices in our community." For those
who wish to travel to Loughry by public transport a free bus will be
available each evening. It will leave Moneymore Post Office at 7.15pm
stopping at three points in Cookstown: the Oldtown at 7.30, the Bank of
Ireland at 7.35 and Gortalowry House at 7.40.

Tea and coffee will be served in Shannon Hall. Entrance is free. any
donations offered towards the cost organising the evening will be
welcome. This is the third set of Lenten evenings organised by
Cookstown and District Clergy Forum on a two yearly basis. In 1999 the
theme was:"Preparing for the Jubilee" while in 2001 it was
"Communication and Family Relationships"

"These evenings proved to be both enjoyable and thought-provoking for
those involved in an atmosphere that was warm and welcoming," said
Clergy Forum member Reverend Isaac Thompson.

"The Forum is delighted to offer citizens of the area the opportunity to
explore the important matter of cultural diversity and to grow in
appreciation and respect for some of the variety of cultures that make
up the local community. We invite everyone to take part."

This mural is one of three painted in Londonderry to note the contribution of the Ulster-Scots to American independence. This mural quotes George Washington's recognition of the role played by Ulster-Scots soldiers in the Colonial Army.

From Pioneers to Presidents - portrait of President Theodore Roosevelt, 26th US President 1901 – 1904, showing Apprentice Boys shutting the gates of Derry, "My forefathers were…the men who had followed Cromwell and who shared in the defence of Derry, and in the victories of Aughrim and the Boyne…"

Portrait of James Buchanan, 15th USA President with images of pioneers, "My Ulster blood is my most priceless heritage". USA crest reads "From Pioneers to Presidents".

New mural by North Antrim Cultural & Musical Society in Ballymoney, County Antrim, Northern Ireland. It was unveiled recently by the United States Consul for Northern Ireland Barbara Stephenson.

scots irish

A recently formed group is aiming to return the sound of the Lambeg to the Shankill, after an absence of some 40 years.

Shankill Drumming Club has been set up at West Belfast Orange Hall to teach lambeg drumming and fifing.

Chairman Sam Johnston said, "Anyone my age will remember the sound of lambegs being played on the Shankill, especially on Saturday nights. They were regularly carried in Belfast Orange parades.

"Over time this has died away and now we don't know of any lambegs on the Shankill.

"We now hope to get young people in particular interested, to learn the different drumming patterns and tunes on the fife.

"We have instructors coming up from the country. If our ones learn enough we can enter them for lambeg competitions such as Markethill in the last Saturday in July… and who knows, before long we might be able to have a competition of our own at Woodvale Park."

Sam explained it is thought that the lambeg first came to Ireland along with King William's Dutch Blue Guards in the 1680's and were used for sending messages.

With their distinctive large oak wood shell, goat skin and linen rope, they became popular within both the Orange and Hibernian traditions, though now almost exclusively associated with the Orange.

The new Drumming Club meets on Thursday evenings, 8.00 - 9.30pm at West Belfast Orange Hall. New members of all ages are very welcome.

For further information contact Sam Johnston through the Greater Shankill Community Council at 177 Shankill Road or Tel: 9032 5536.

RECOGNITION of St Patrick as Ireland’s patron saint may be much more widespread among Roman Catholics and nationalists, but there is no reason why Protestants and unionists should be prevented from celebrating the memory of the man purported to bring Christianity to this country in the fifth century.

St Patrick’s Day is a date that should be shared by Irishmen and women of all religious and political outlooks; it should not be hijacked for a nationalist or republican agenda, particularly in relation to the situation in the Province.

In Northern Ireland, the St Patrick’s Day celebrations have down the years been mainly confined to nationalist areas, and the narrow ethos at some March 17 events, with a triumphalist display of Irish tricolours and political emblems, has certainly not encouraged unionists to participate.

St Patrick’s Day sport allows many Ulster Protestants to have a direct input into the March 17 calendar, with the Northern Ireland schools’ rugby and soccer cup finals played on that date.

But otherwise, in a large section of the Protestant community, St Patrick’s Day goes by relatively unnoticed, with workplaces and most schools open as normal.

Downpatrick, an area closely identified with the memory of the revered patron saint as the location of his final resting place, has set a fine example with its annual St Patrick’s Day festivities through an insistence that it contains no political trappings or a display of emblems which might offend.

This has allowed Downpatrick to enjoy the reputation of being the largest cross- community St Patrick’s Day parade in Ireland, and that is a concept which the organisers of other traditional March 17 events in this Province should be following.

The Church of Ireland, historically closer to the teachings of Welsh-born St Patrick than any other of the Protestant denominations, solemnly marks the day with a series of anniversary services, notably at Saul, near Downpatrick, and in Armagh, where the local Protestant cathedral stands loftily alongside the Roman Catholic cathedral, both of which proudly bear the saint’s name.

Indeed, St Patrick’s Breastplate (Be Thou My Vision) is the popular standard anthem of the Church of Ireland.

The Presbyterian Church, largest of the Protestant denominations in Northern Ireland, does not have the same religious attachment to St Patrick’s Day commemorations, probably due to its non-conformist approach and the Church’s origins and attachment to Scotland.

However, there is a growing appreciation within the Protestant community in Northern Ireland that St Patrick’s Day should be celebrated in a more meaningful way and it is a welcome development that the Orange Order and Apprentice Boys of Derry see merit in appropriately marking the occasion with a number of religious and social events.

This may be seen as an indicator that Orange culture is not solely confined to remembering historical deeds that were done at Derry, Aughrim and the Boyne, and that St Patrick’s legacy in Ireland is an inheritance that has as much relevance to Protestants and unionists as it has to Roman Catholics and nationalists.

As thousands of Ulster people - and millions worldwide - prepare to celebrate the life of the saint, the DUP's Ian Paisley jnr urged Protestants to ''confidently'' honour his life.

And the MLA said that, if St Patrick was alive today, he would ''be a grave embarrassment to a lot of the people who want to claim them as their own''.

''Anyone who has factual knowledge of the history of St Patrick knows that he was a prototype

''He was by no means someone who could be regarded as proclaiming the Roman Catholic Church teachings." Mr Paisley added: ''That should give the Protestant community confidence that St Patrick, the patron saint of this island, is someone they have far more in common with than people who have rewritten history and try to capture him to be a symbol of Irish nationalism and Irish Catholicism.''

Although the tradition of publicly celebrating St Patrick is relatively new to the Protestant culture, Mr Paisley said it was important that they honoured his life.

''I think one of the reasons it has become more acceptable to celebrate the life and times of Patrick is because people are much more aware of the fact that he wasn't some sort of icon of the Roman Catholic Church.

''He was, in fact, a messenger proclaiming the gospel of Jesus Christ and, on that basis, Protestants are much more readily available to accept him.

''I know my community are sick of him being hijacked in order to promote green, white and gold colours. That is nothing which St Patrick stood for.

''Those who have taken the time to study history will know that the Protestant community have a lot more in common with him than anyone else on this island.

''Therefore, we should proudly proclaim St Patrick as ours and I think there is a willingness to not allow people to hijack his memory and pollute it."

This year, thousands of Orangemen will gather in Co Antrim to ''celebrate and give thanks'' to St Patrick.

The event is organised by St Patrick's Church Temperance LOL No.112 and is only in its second year.

Lodge secretary Noel Surgenor said: ''One of the reasons behind the parade was that we did feel alienated to a certain extent because people always associated St Patrick with one tradition.

''He is, in fact, one of the few unifying forces in Northern Ireland and we wanted to ensure that was recognised.

''Last year's inaugural event was a tremendous success with brethren and sisters attending from all over Northern Ireland.

''Patrick holds a special place in all our hearts and we would urge the entire Orange family to turn out in Ballymena on Saturday and help us celebrate."

INTEGRATED education in Northern Ireland is a concept well worth
supporting in that it provides the template for a more harmonious
society in the Province.

Education can be a complex and, indeed, at times a personally emotive
issue in Northern Ireland and, while the integrated sector has been on
the scene for 22 years, it has still much to do before it can be
recognised as a serious rival to the state (mainly but not exclusively
Protestant) and the Roman Catholic voluntary maintained systems.
However, by September of this year there will be 50 integrated schools
(18 second level colleges and 32 integrated primaries) across Northern
Ireland, providing education for 16,000 pupils, or five per cent of the
total schoolgoing population.

Integrated schools are promoted as coeducational, with teachers
proclaiming that they accept children from all levels of ability and
social background, and practice a childcentred approach to teaching
methods. Teachers and governors in both the state and the Roman Catholic
maintained systems will argue that their schools are totally focused on
providing quality educational opportunities for their children and,
while not decrying the integrated approach, they point to their varied
curriculum, which still finds most appeal in the mainstream communities.

Many schools in the state educational system enrol a considerable intake
of pupils from the Roman Catholic population and from the ethnic groups
and, while not officially designated as integrated, they do provide a
valuable cross-community input that is most tangible and meaningful at a
local town and village level.

However, the state schools are still perceived as Protestant, a
historical factor that dates back to the late 1920s when leaders of the
main Protestant churches were persuaded by the then Northern Ireland
government to abandon their religious hold on their children?s
education, apart from the daily obligation of Biblical instruction.

The Roman Catholic maintained schools have, in some areas, a number of
Protestant pupils, but, with the Church ethos a dominant influence, this
system remains the preferred option for the overwhelming number of Roman
Catholic parents who desire their children to be taught in matters of
faith and doctrine.

The insistence of the Roman Catholic hierarchy on having their own
separate schools is a real barrier to a major breakthrough by the
integrated form of education, as is the longestablished loyalty to the
state system in Protestant and unionist areas.

However, champions of integrated schools are certainly not letting the
grass grow under their feet, and they claim that demand for pupil places
in these institutions is fast outgrowing supply, with a need for
Government and local politicians to assist them in fulfilling all the
requirements.

The News Letter firmly believes that an integrated education ideal,
without the historical baggage that has been an impediment in our
community, will help to achieve a more peaceful and tolerant society.

This is Integrated Education Week and the portents certainly look bright
for an initiative which is still breaking the mould.

http://www.nuzhound.com/articles/irish_news/arts2003/feb24_new_thinking_loyalism__RGarland.php
Evidence of new thinking in loyalism

(Roy Garland, Irish News)

Peace-building is about trying to understand our perceived enemy and about trying to see conflict through the eyes of our enemy, according to the ‘Principles of Loyalism’ document.

One of the basic requirements of peace is the establishment of trust or at least a modicum of tolerance. We need to recognise basic humanity on the other side. In war however trust, like truth, is one of the first casualties while the humanity of opponents may be grossly distorted. In Northern Ireland we have demonised each other and it is all too easy to deflect blame onto the physical force people because of their violence. Both sets of terrorists committed unspeakable horrors while many ‘spectators’ damned both with curses. That was understandable but did nothing to end violence.

Bigotry can become inverted enabling us to passionately hate the ‘men of violence’ while anti-sectarianism risks becoming sectarian through demonising the supposed bigots. We become like those we hate because we are drawn towards them. Many paramilitaries became violent because they hated the violence of others. Even illicit state violence can reflect the same impulse. In violent situations security force personnel may become indistinguishable from terrorists, yet we demonise ‘legitimate violence’ at our peril.

The Bible speaks of the need to be as “wise as serpents and harmless as doves”, warning against gullibility but also about getting caught up in reciprocal antagonism. It seems natural to ‘return the serve’ but in so doing we risk being caught up in the same mechanism. Last week someone called for those who viciously attacked a man on the Shankill to be publicly flogged. This seems like a reasonable reaction to unspeakable violence, but returning evil for evil drags us all into the same pit.

Loyalists and republicans are no more ogres than the rest of us, and positive things sometimes come from unexpected sources. The ‘Principles of Loyalism’ speaks to and for the UVF and RHC as well as the PUP, and possibly after last week’s developments, the UDA and UPRG as well. We may disagree with aspects of loyalist thinking but there is evidence of perceptive progressive thought in this document. It accepts that decommissioning and demilitarisation must be honestly addressed but in practice will involve a “slow, measured and drawn out process”. Demobilisation has to take place “in tandem with the development of genuine trust and mutual respect” between protagonists. It is precisely trust and mutual respect that is missing and which loyalists are now trying to address.

The “illicit drugs trade” is roundly condemned as “incompatible with the principles of loyalism” and while tensions remain, sectarianism, despite appearances, is increasingly rejected.

The ‘Principles of Loyalism’ claims that loyalists have set out on a path of “genuine dialogue” based upon “honesty, decency and democracy”. Peace-making, it claims, is not for “peaceniks” but for the “volunteer and the loyalist activist as well”. Most importantly, peace making must “have an impact on our own lives” and has to be lived out. There is no room for “settling the score” or for “victims becoming victimisers”. Loyalists must develop “creative alternatives to violence through dialogue with the enemy”.

Peace building moves “from violent responses to conflict to non-violent responses”.

We do not start from a promising base and many are deeply disillusioned, but we can only start from where we are. Demonising others seems an attractive option but in reality it avoids responsibility for initiating change. Paramilitaries have a challenging road to travel and yet in some respects they have moved further than much of civil society.

Last week one correspondent correctly pointed out that I had left out “sexual orientation” from the list of rights upheld in the PUP document. I had inadvertently missed a line upholding rights irrespective of “political opinion, age, marital status, sexual orientation”. In other words these loyalists are committed to upholding all human rights for all sections of the community, including the right to hold opposing political opinions.

Many republicans and nationalists uphold the same rights.

A basic right is the right to exist and to be different. The demonising of unionists, nationalists, Orangemen, Catholics, Protestants, the PSNI or GAA is wrong irrespective of our spurious ‘justifications’. We must challenge things we see as wrong but never demonise. When we demonise we exclude and scapegoat. This was once THE way to resolve disputes (ie at the expense of those excluded) but it no longer works. Making true peace entails broad inclusion. It is a necessary, if at times extremely difficult and complex, project and we all have a part to play in it.

February 25, 2003

Without a vision the people perish

(Roy Garland, Irish News)

Principles of Loyalism: An Internal Discussion Paper comes as a breath of
fresh air after recent turmoil within loyalism. It is a compilation of papers
prepared for the PUP and 'associated organisations' and represents a clear
exposition of loyalist thinking. It reflects the rational, progressive
discourse that has continued within loyalism despite negative images
engendered by sectarianism, racketeering and drug dealing in sections of
so-called loyalism.
It begins with an analysis of disunity pervading loyalism and suggests that
disagreements over the Good Friday Agreement have split communities and
families, inflicting pain and bitterness.
The impact of division was especially damaging where it could generate deadly
violence. The document laments: "Our churches are divided, our political
parties are divided, our loyal orders are divided, our paramilitary groups
are divided." Such internal conflicts hamper possibilities of addressing the
inter-community conflict.
The document considers loyalism's raison d'etre through an analysis of the
1912 Ulster Covenant, the 'birth certificate of modern Ulster'. This is a
'revolutionary document' because it suggests that the will of British
citizens here "took precedence over the will of the Imperial Parliament".
However, the Ulster Covenant is primarily committed to material welfare,
liberty and equal citizenship. The first principle, according to the author,
is the need for a sound economic basis to facilitate the quality of life
essential to full enjoyment of liberty and equal citizenship. In this sense,
unionism was built upon bread and butter issues because a successful Ulster
economy required outlets available within the UK.
This first principle is expanded to include the need for a social agenda
involving decent housing, gainful employment under satisfactory conditions,
adequate and free health care, efficient public services, safe healthy
environments, free education and life-long learning.
Loyalists realised they had a role to play but must earn the trust of the
people. They must be with the people demonstrating that their material
interests are at the heart of loyalist politics. They must 'empower the
loyalist people to take ownership of their own lives and their own future'.
The second principle is civil and religious liberty which, the author states,
was always a matter of concern for Ulster Protestants and remains an
essential prerequisite to a just, equitable and pluralist society. Citizens
must be free to practise or not practise religion. This is regarded as a
legacy of the Puritan and Glorious Revolutions of the 17th century. These
freedoms, it is admitted, were less than perfect because Catholics along with
Protestant Dissenters suffered discrimination in Britain as well as under the
notorious Penal Laws in Ireland. Freedom has, however, become integral to the
British way of life.
The policies of the early Irish State demonstrated that Protestant fears of
home rule were well founded in that the Catholic Church successfully
intervened within the state.
The IRA is seen as sectarian in a specifically religious sense and Sean
McBride is said to have disapproved of all Protestants. It is claimed that he
organised the attack on Belfast Protestants at Bodenstown in 1934. The
suggestion is that Sinn Féin is at heart a Catholic nationalist party despite
their public avowal of non-sectarian politics.
The document argues that while the south remains a confessional state this is
not acceptable in the north. Instead loyalists must promote a multi-cultural,
multi-faith society akin to rest of the UK. The Catholic minority suffered
under a Stormont government that mirrored De Valera's 'Catholic Constitution
for a Catholic Nation' and so Northern Ireland became, in David Trimble's
terms, "a cold house for Catholics". However, today north and south appear to
be moving towards more equitable, pluralist societies. Loyalists must uphold
everyone's rights regardless of gender, race, colour, religion, political
orientation, disability, prison record or social background. All are to be
treated with equality, dignity and justice.
In all of this the PUP is setting high expectations but we all know that
"Without a vision the people perish."
February 18, 2003
________________
This article appeared first in the February 17, 2003 edition of the Irish
News.

ALTHOUGH the recent electoral results in Northern Ireland may have made the possibility of a unified Ireland seem further away, the likelihood still remains.

If unification does arise, we can draw comparisons from the situation which the minority Protestant population found itself in after Independence. That is, the assimilation of that minority into the new country, governed by a body which was not the preference of the minority.

Through the democratic process this minority voice - which was strongly represented in the houses of the Oireachtas in the early days of the Free State - has gradually faded into the barely perceptible presence that exists today, in the form of Fine Gael TD Seymour Crawford and Green Party leader Trevor Sargent: a combination which hardly constitutes a unified representation of the Protestant voice.

It could be argued that there is no necessity for such representation today in the Republic; that the label of "West Brit" has been abolished and that the Irish are one, largely homogeneous, nation.

Ireland since Independence has evolved into a modern generic state where debates revolve around economics rather than religious issues. The make-up of the Dail today, where most parties are aligned to the centre and centre-right, doesn't leave much scope for a representative minority voice, apart from our penchant for electing independents on health tickets.

The constraints that Catholic Ireland put on the Protestant population have been removed. However, this has not come about overnight and the period between independence and the 1960s was one where the once strident Protestant voice in the houses of the Oireachtas gradually diminished.

In the years immediately after Independence, the minority population felt that their heritage was threatened. They had fears over property and were afraid of the new administration.

The first problem was the introduction of compulsory Irish, a measure by the new State to assert a sense of nationalism through language. Secondly, the minority feared the imposition of Catholicideals on them: the primary dread was that "Home Rule" would be "Rome Rule". These fears did not prove unfounded. Strict censorship laws, and bans on contraception and divorce quickly followed the introduction of Irish.

The response was the start of the "keep your head down" mentality: the feeling that what couldn't be changed must be endured quietly.

However, in the early years there were dominant voices in the chambers - representatives such as WB Yeats, Professor William Thrift and Jasper Wolfe. During the debate on compulsory Irish, Deputy Wolfe protested:

"I doubt if compelling people to learn is a good way of spreading the language; it is a 'The minority feared the imposition of Catholic ideals on them: the primary dread was that Home Rule would be Rome Rule'

But the fear was apparent that such protests would simply lead to them being labelled as West Britons.

The plan to ban divorce prompted huge objections from the Protestant pocket. Even though many were not personally in favour of the principle of divorce, they saw the introduction of the ban as an infringement of the liberties of the people. As the debate raged on, Yeats gave the Government a warning:

"If you show that this country, Southern Ireland, is going to be governed by Catholic ideas and by Catholic ideas alone, you will never get the North . . . You will put a wedge in the midst of this nation."

Reunification, infringement of liberties and the imposition of Catholic religious beliefs were the main targets of the Protestant deputies.

After the enactment of Bunreacht na hEireann in 1937 and the declaration of the Republic in 1948, the Protestant voice in the houses of the Oireachtas grew more and more subdued.

The university seats in the Dail, which had been primarily occupied by Protestants, were abolished and a Catholic State was firmly established. Catholic social teaching was firmly embedded in legislation: divorce was prohibited, as was contraception; censorship of publications was strict and people were sheltered from the outside world. The economic war with Britain and strict policies of protectionism succeeded in distancing the state even further from the United Kingdom.

During the Second World War, many more Protestants than Catholics joined the forces and lost their lives; the birth rate decreased even further and the population scattered throughout the country.

Yeats, Cooper, Thrift and Wolfe clearly and forcefully articulated the views of Protestants in the Oireachtas during this time. They argued for a more liberal approach, seeking to prevent the further alienation of the Protestant community north of the border. Ultimately, however, their best efforts were unsuccessful. The community did not occupy a pivotal position in decision-making and a narrow Catholic perspectiveprevailed.

With the possibility of a reunified country becoming less likely, the Northern Protestants seemed content in their majority position and were busily engaged in sowing the seeds of later Catholic and nationalist discontent. Arguments from Southern Protestant deputies against measures which could isolate the North became more and more infrequent.

Most of the distinctly Protestant representatives in the Dail eventually joined one of the main parties. Most chose Fine Gael, along with many of the minority voters who saw it as more pro-British than the other parties.

However with the declaration of the Republic in 1948, Cosgrave as leader of the country and the Fine Gael party succeeded in alienating much of the Protestant vote. At the time, Deputy Dockrell of Fine Gael said of the declaration and the break with the commonwealth:

"The union with the North was far distant, but this now makes the distance an astronomical one".

In the end, however, it seemed as though what Ireland had become was accepted by the Protestant minority. They had not lost land, privilege or power but did have to sacrifice some of their social freedoms.

Many of those social freedoms have since been reinstated: the bans on divorce and contraception have been lifted; the censorship laws have been relaxed significantly and the teaching of the Irish language has become the norm. Perhaps this is ultimately why there is no urgent need for a representative voice for the minority community in the Oireachtastoday.

If we ever do see the unification of Ireland, it is likely that the protestations from the Northern unionists will be significantly more strident than those of the Southern Protestants in the aftermath of independence.

Issues of contention are likely to centre more around the ethical dilemmas of stem cell research than compulsory Irish, as the thought of any administration imposing compulsory Irish on unionists today would be ludicrous.

The protestations may be more strident and the style more bullish, but Robinson and Donaldson can hardly be a match for Yeats in terms of eloquence.

In Billy Mitchell’s reply to my article on praising Feile an Phobail, he paints an image of peace and harmony through our wee province, where we share and enjoy each other's culture.

I, like Billy, was lucky enough to have been raised in an environment which enabled me to spend many a long summer in Greenisland and to share in many cross community activities and still do.

But what Billy Mitchell forgets to mention is the other side of Unionist culture (I say unionist culture because when you see our first minister David Trimble and the Rev Ian Paisley hand in hand dancing a victorious orange jig down an county Armagh road, you could be forgiven for thinking that the culture of the unionist, loyalist and the orange order were one and the same) - the Billy Boy flute bands. After all there is nothing so sweet as the sound of the Sash being played by a blood and thunder flute band especially when walking pass a Taig church.

What I have described above is the only side of Protestant culture from NI that makes it on to television screens worldwide. Like it or not Protestant culture has being labelled and boxed - as sectarian - ever more so since Drumcree, and the terrible scenes at Holy Cross.

When only the negative side of your community and culture is shown by the world and local media, it stereotypes all that community and its culture with the same brush and the positive side of your culture is almost damaged beyond repair

When your culture and community are consistently hijacked by a minority of sectarian bigots it will always be portrayed as sectarian.

Billy rightly points out the many positive sides of Protestant/Unionist culture.

I can confirm all that he says. As an Ulsterbus Tour driver for 7 years I was always made welcome, should it have been a Sunday school/church outing or driving a lodge and band on the 12th.

Recently Billy Hutchinson (PUP) issued a statement on the future of education in NI. He called for integrated, co-educated, comprehensive education. This coming from a loyalist politician should have made headline news but was largely ignored by the media both here and abroad. It shows not only a progressive side of loyalist politics but a change in the mindset of unionism.

Unionists needs to stop looking through rose tinted glasses and see how others see them. If you take the celebrations/commemorations of the battle of the Somme, as an example of positive and negative aspects of the Protestant culture, three thousand Irish men both Catholic and Protestant were killed in a few hours and two thousand + injured; there was not a family on the Newtownards Road who were not touched in some way by that terrible day. But the mini twelfth parade only remembers the Protestant fallen, whereas the Catholic fallen (and to be honest many from the unionist tradition would tell you the Catholics were only there for the Half Crown, and the many Catholic families who would/could not even erect an headstone to their loved ones because they would have been seen as traitors.) would have been forgotten if it hadn’t been for the Somme heritage centre in Newtownards.

If you ever get the chance of a visit to the centre you will see the positive side of the Protestant/Orange culture. This is one example of the culture we could and should share and learn from.

Maybe this could be the starting point to rebuild the tarnished image of the Orange Order and the proud Protestant, unionist culture, and change the world’s view of a culture driven by hate.

The biggest enemy of Unionist, Orange, Loyalist or Protestant culture and identity is itself, and its continuing failure in front of the world’s media to highlight their true and proud past.

Racists are no Friends of the Union
By Billy Mitchell
Issue No.14 Autumn 2003

"Do not mistreat an alien or oppress him, for you were aliens ……...' Exodus 22:21

Discrimination, intimidation and physical attacks on British citizens and foreign nationals living in Northern Ireland, because of their colour or ethnic background, are an affront to all who cherish the principles of civil and religious liberty and equal citizenship within the Union. Such racist activities are also an affront to all who sincerely believe in the core principles of the Protestant Reformation, which proclaims the love of God for all mankind regardless of race or ethnicity. Racism is based solely on hatred, the gospel is based on Love - the two are incompatible.
It is sad therefore to learn that racists, propagating the evils of 'British' nationalism and 'white' supremacy, are once again seeking to gain a foothold in working class Protestant communities in Belfast, Ballymena and Craigavon. Attacks on people of colour in Belfast followed the distribution of leaflets from an organisation calling itself the "British Nazi Party" while in Ballymena the homes of Filipino nurses were attacked following leaflet drops by a group calling itself "The White Nationalist Party". Leaflets purporting to come from the same group have been circulating in the Craigavon area where members of the Muslim community have been the target of racial hatred.
Thankfully they are infinitesimally small in number, and it is clearly debatable whether such organisations actually exist other than as a flag of convenience for a few racists; but, as the saying goes, "a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump". Protestants have a duty of care to their fellow British citizens and to foreign nationals living in their areas, regardless of ethnic background, to ensure that they live in peace and harmony. It was refreshing to see two senior loyalists, Tommy Kirkham and David Ervine, speaking out against racist attacks in Protestant areas.
Genuine Unionists will be aware that racism is subversive of both Protestantism and political Unionism. Political Unionism and Nationalism - be it 'British' nationalism, 'Irish' nationalism or 'White' nationalism - are wholly incompatible. Being British is about citizenship not nationality. The Liberal Unionist, Arthur Aughey, has rightly noted that -"The idea of the Union is the willing community of citizens united not by creed, colour or ethnicity but by the recognition of the authority of the Union".
Principled political Unionism is thus able to facilitate pluralism whereas 'British Nationalism', so-called, which links citizenship to a single racial and ethnic identity, is inimical to Unionism. Citizenship within the United Kingdom has nothing to do with race, ethnicity or nationalism. It is about a political identity that is rooted in citizenship and in loyalty to the concept of the Union.
There is a British State, but there is no such a thing as a British Nation. Thus when racists talk about 'British' nationalism they are really talking about English Nationalism and in their arrogance they equate Britishness with Englishness. There is also the fond belief (delusion) that the English, because of their numerical superiority within the Union have a right to impose their way of life and culture on the other partners, and to speak as if they were the alpha and omega of the Union. Of course, Irish nationalists share that same mentality. Because there is a Gaelic-Catholic majority on the island of Ireland, who claim to be the true Irish, they insist on the Scotch-Irish (Ulster-Scots) and the Anglo-Irish being incorporated into an Irish Union that would be dominated by the politics and culture of a Gaelic-Catholic Nation. Why would any Unionist want to reject Irish Nationalism in order to embrace English Nationalism masquerading as British Nationalism?

The peoples who form the Unionist community come from a number of diverse cultures and traditions - Irish, Scottish, English, Welsh and some of Huguenot descent, as well as a goodly number of Commonwealth emigrants and their offspring. Principled political Unionism is about maintaining citizenship within a state that acknowledges and validates the identity, culture and traditions of those who make up the Union. Citizenship for the British subject is not about a single national identity or cultural exclusiveness. It is about sharing a political identity than transcends religion, culture, language and ethnicity. In short, it is about living in a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic pluralist society rather than in a society where citizenship is based on a single national identity.

It is estimated that 30% of the world's population belong to a Commonwealth country and the unionist community in Northern Ireland ought to be proud to be part of that international family. The Commonwealth is a multi-ethnic, multi-faith and multi-cultural association of free peoples. The one thing than binds them together simply is their shared history with the United Kingdom which is manifested in the fact that they all have a common working language and similar systems of law, public administration and education. This shared history has enabled them to develop a vibrant and growing association of states that, with a few exceptions, are in tune with the modern world.

Those within loyalism who have fallen victim to the poisoned words of 'British' nationalists need to ask - "How can I pledge loyalty to the Head of the Commonwealth while at the same time denying basic human rights and equal citizenship to those who have emigrated to this part of the U.K. from Commonwealth countries"? The United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland, prospered under British Imperialism. It is only but fitting that people from Commonwealth countries should, if they so desire, seek to build a better life for themselves and their children in the Kingdom that once prospered at their expense. This generation of British citizens cannot right the wrongs of the past, but we can make things right for the future.

But what of those strangers to our shores who do not hail from Commonwealth countries? Do we not have a responsibility to welcome those who come seeking refuge from persecution and terror? The words of Moses the Hebrew lawgiver, are worthy of consideration - "Do not mistreat an alien or oppress him, for you were aliens in Egypt" (Exodus 22:21). This injunction was repeated time and time again. Because they were once aliens and strangers, the Hebrews were to love the aliens in their midst. (Ariel Sharon must have missed that wee bit of Hebrew wisdom). This Biblical injunction has relevance to both the Scotch-Irish and the Anglo-Irish for both were once aliens and strangers on this island. Many of our Presbyterian forbears also left this island, fleeing the penal laws, to seek refuge in America. Others left to seek a new life in places as far apart as Canada and Australia. Should the descendants of those who have a history of seeking refuge in strange lands and who experienced the hardships of being strangers and aliens not have some sympathy for those who come to our shores seeking refuge?

At a time when Irish nationalists are seeking by all means possible to give up their British citizenship, and to force non-nationalists to relinquish theirs, it is ironic that so-called 'British' nationalists are hell-bent on forcing existing British citizens out of Northern Ireland and preventing those who wish to take out citizenship from doing so. Racists have nothing whatever to offer the Protestant community and 'British' nationalism, so-called, has nothing to offer political Unionism. Those who believe that "An enemy of my enemy is my friend" believe a lie. 'British' nationalists may well be the enemy of Irish nationalists, but they are no friends of Ulster Protestants or Political Unionists either.

Welcome

Home of the Ulster-Scots / Scotch-Irish in America.